Tagesspiegel: Mr Minister, the Israelis and the Palestinians want to meet regularly at the highest level, the US is once again active in the Middle East, and the Arab countries have made a peace proposal. Do these events give you cause for hope?
Steinmeier: There are indeed signs of movement. We're seeing a new thoughtfulness on both the Israeli and the Palestinian side. But we shouldn't confuse this with decisive steps towards resolving the conflict. Further efforts are necessary, also by the international community. This is why, since the Lebanon war, I have called for the regional efforts to be supported internationally by the Middle East Quartet. I'm glad that the Quartet will soon meet for the third time this year.
One of the main objectives of Germany's EU Council Presidency is to initiate a development towards greater stability in the Middle East. What role did Germany play in this new dynamism?
The vital preparatory work took place even before our Presidency began. We were aware that movement can only happen if the bodies capable of steering and supporting this kind of process are functioning. This is why, at the end of last year, we did what we could to ensure that all Quartet partners were prepared to launch a new attempt, which was not the case previously.
Do you mean the German proposal to the US Administration to revive the Quartet?
I mean our proposal to all the parties. First we spoke to the UN Secretary-General, although we already knew that he thought a revival of the Quartet was necessary. Then we worked together with Moscow and Washington.
Is it unfair for the Chancellor to be in the spotlight as the initiator of the Quartet proposal, although you were the one who elaborated it?
This was always a joint effort by the German Government, and both the Chancellor and myself promoted that effort in public.
Have your efforts to involve Syria finally failed?
No, this issue needs to remain on the agenda, as shown by the recent high-level US visits to Damascus. We need all of Israel's neighbours if we want lasting stability and peace. But at the moment we are seeing the first steps towards rapprochement in Israeli-Palestinian relations. This initial progress deserves our recognition, all the more so since both governments are in a difficult situation at home.
How do you assess Israeli Prime Minister Olmert's invitation to the Arab leaders?
The Arab countries are doubtlessly becoming more willing to support the reconciliation process. This is an important lever which was missing for a long time in the past. Even if the initial Arab reactions to Prime Minister Olmert's move were hesitant, I hope that in the coming months we will be able, through intensive work, to create the preconditions for such Israeli-Arab meetings.
Regarding the conflict with Iran regarding the 15 captured British Marines, was London able to rely on the EU in every phase?
Of course! After the capture of the 15 UK soldiers, Iran at first tried to use what it thought was a position of strength to conjure up a bilateral conflict with the UK. For that reason we sent out a clear signal that this behaviour would mean a conflict with Europe.
There were calls for tougher EU consequences. Why did you hold back?
We didn't hold back at all! On the contrary, our early and decisive reaction set the right processes in motion.
Last weekend's meeting of EU foreign ministers in Bremen came at exactly the halfway point in Germany's Presidency. What is your verdict on the "first half"?
There's still a lot of hard work ahead of us, but I think we've made a good job of it so far, with quite a few concrete successes: Take the far-reaching decisions on climate protection taken at the EU Council meeting, or the Berlin Declaration during the EU's 50th birthday celebrations containing the joint commitment to undertake the necessary renewal of the EU by 2009. Or some highly practical successes: Cross-border money transfers in the EU will become simpler and cheaper, and the costs of using mobiles abroad are due to fall considerably.
Has the German Presidency also succeeded in changing the Germans' attitude towards Europe?
A lot of European momentum was lost during the two years of stagnation following the referendums in France and the Netherlands. We have tried to make it clear that our quality of life, our European social model, couldn't be preserved without the EU. We couldn't keep pace in a globalized economy without the EU Internal Market of over 500 million citizens. This may sound abstract, but it has concrete effects, for example when we preserve jobs in Europe and create new ones. My impression is that people are starting to recognize one thing – that Europe is prepared to face the challenges of the 21st century.
How do you intend to win over the sceptical governments in the EU constitutional debate?
At the end of the day our Presidency will be judged on whether it advanced the constitutional process. Our proposal must ensure that European renewal succeeds, and that it is completed by 2009, prior to the European Parliament elections. Eighteen Member States have ratified the Treaty and they want to see progress. This makes our task complicated but not impossible.
Does the debate on US missile defence in Europe not show that Europeans have less in common than some people maintain?
But the European unity these people talk about doesn't mean that all partners share the same opinion from the very beginning! In spite of this, however, we always manage to develop a common position also on difficult issues. During the recent EU foreign ministers meeting in Bremen we agreed to wait for consultations to take place within NATO and the NATO-Russia Council. Then we will decide whether the issue can be further discussed in European fora.
Questions put by Tissy Bruns, Lutz Haverkamp and Hans Monath
